Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar, one of India’s greatest politicians and the unquestioned leader of the nation’s Dalits (formerly known as “Untouchables”), gave a usually insightful statement at the conclusion of the constitution’s final reading on November 25, 1949.

“On January 26, 1950, we will begin a life filled with contrasts. We will have equality in politics, but inequity in social and economic life, “declared Ambedkar.

India proclaimed itself a sovereign, democratic, and republican state on the day the constitution took effect. Ambedkar may have been making a reference to the tensions between a nascent republic and an ancient civilization in his statement. Separately, he had stated that the hamlet was a “sink of localism, a nest of ignorance, narrow-mindedness, and communalism,” and that democracy was merely a “top-dressing on Indian soil” that was “basically undemocratic.”

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For a poor and unequal nation like India—a place that had remained “stationary and fixed,” in the words of renowned German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel—the elimination of untouchability, affirmative action, granting the right to vote to all adults, and establishing equal rights for all—these remarkable achievements were made possible.

During a turbulent period, a 299-member constituent assembly operated for three years, from 1946 to 1949. During this time, there were religious riots and partition, which led to the largest human movement between India and the newly created state of Pakistan. Also, it saw the painful and challenging integration of a large number of princely kingdoms into India.

Ambedkar, who was also a law expert, presided over a significant seven-person committee that wrote the document’s 395 clauses.

A Part Apart, a scholarly new biography by Ashok Gopal, details how Ambedkar overcame ill health and put aside conflicts with key figures in the Indian liberation struggle to spearhead the creation of one of the world’s longest founding texts.

The book describes how Ambedkar’s notoriety enabled him to garner strong local and international support for the position. The seven members of the drafting committee—five of whom belonged to upper castes—asked Ambedkar to serve as their chairman.

The final viceroy of British India, Lord Mountbatten, or India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, received recommendations for Ambedkar from Eamon De Valera, the Irish leader who backed the Indian freedom cause and drafted the Irish Constitution. (Edwina Mountbatten, the final viceroy, revealed this in a letter to Ambedkar.)

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Edwina Mountbatten also told Ambedkar that since he was the “sole genius who can deliver equal justice to every class and creed,” she was “personally happy” he was “supervising” the constitution-making process. Lord Mountbatten had “very interesting and valuable talks” with Ambedkar soon after becoming viceroy in March 1947, according to Mr. Gopal. The viceroy also expressed his “great joy” at seeing Ambedkar’s name on the list of 15 ministers in Nehru’s provisional federal cabinet to a top British official.

The full draft of the constitution, which had been presented to the legislature in May 1947, was evaluated by Ambedkar’s panel. The appropriate ministers received it before sending it on to the Congress party. As many as seven drafts of some portions were made.

Ambedkar updated the manuscript and gave it to Rajendra Prasad, president of the constituent assembly, who made about 20 significant changes, one of which was to the solemn preamble, which contains the fundamental principles of the founding constitution and guarantees justice, equality, and brotherhood. According to Mr. Gopal, Ambedkar was solely responsible for adding the term “fraternity” to the original preamble and possibly the remainder of the “really magnificent and historic collection of 81 words.”

The bulk of the laborious work was done by Ambedkar. He stood in the assembly for about 100 days, “patiently explaining each clause and giving explanations or rejecting each offered adjustment,” despite having diabetes and high blood pressure. Not every member could attend the meetings. One of the committee members, TT Krishnamachari, explained to the assembly in November 1948 that Ambedkar was given the “burden of drafting this [revised] constitution” because the majority of the other members were “unable to make substantial contributions” due to [death, illness, and other preoccupations].

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Nearly 2,500 of the more than 7,500 revisions to the draft were accepted. Ambedkar accorded SN Mukherjee, a senior government officer with the “ability to put the most difficult recommendations in the simplest legal form,” a “larger part of credit” for the drafting.

Ambedkar, for his part, was accommodating to all viewpoints despite his rebellious reputation as the protector of India’s “depressed classes”. The panel on minorities of the constitutional assembly rejected his idea for separate electorates. His initial call for the nationalization of core industries was rejected since socialism was not a goal of the constitution. Ambedkar acknowledged the following when the constituent assembly convened for the first time in December 1946: “I am aware of the political, social, and economic divisions in our society today. We are a collection of rival camps, and I’ll even go so far as to admit that I’m probably one of their leaders.”

Ambedkar’s handling of his own prior requests, according to Mr. Gopal, “shows to his statesmanlike position – he chose to consider all interests rather than just certain interests, like the interests of the scheduled castes,” which demonstrates his statesmanlike function. (Among the 1.4 billion inhabitants in India, 230 million are members of scheduled castes and tribes.)

All of these factors, along with others, according to Mr. Gopal, demonstrate that Ambedkar was the primary architect of the constitution, someone “who held a panoramic view” and oversaw the creation of “every single element” of it.

Rajendra Prasad hailed Ambedkar’s accomplishments as a “skillful pilot of the constitution” years later. No one took greater care and bother over constitution formation than Dr. Ambedkar, according to Prime Minister Nehru, who made the remark a few hours after the Dalit icon passed away on December 6, 1956, at the age of 63.

More than 70 years later, despite significant difficulties, India’s vast and diverse democracy has managed to remain together. Many are concerned about its future due to growing polarization and social disparities. They cite Ambedkar’s introduction of the amended constitution as an example of another prophetic speech.

“In India, minorities have steadfastly embraced the rule of the majority.

This majority must recognize its responsibility to treat minorities without prejudice “added he.

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