*Internasional Keempat – The Fourth International (FI) was established in France in 1938 by Leon Trotsky and his supporters, having been expelled from the Soviet Union and the Communist International (also known as Comintern or the Third International).
Ibnu Parna Menghimpun Angkatan Komunis Muda – Petrik Matanasi [tirto.id]
Kelompok kiri yang berseberangan dengan PKI bikin kelompok sendiri. Salah satunya Ibnu Parna yang mendirikan Angkatan Komunis Muda (A.Koma).
Partai A.Koma tak ada lagi riwayatnya setelah 1965. Meski berseberangan dengan PKI, mereka tetap saja dicap komunis berbahaya oleh Orde Baru. Menurut Robert Jackson Alexander dalam International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement (1991), Ibnu Parna “ditangkap dalam kudeta Soeharto tahun 1965 dan dibunuh.”
Sementara menurut buku Soekarni, Ibnu Parna berkirim surat padanya setelah tidak bisa hadir dalam acara silaturahim eksponen ’45 di Menteng Raya 31 pada 21 Agustus 1969. Barangkali demi keselamatannya, dia dianggap mati pada 1965.
ACOMA adalah organisasi yang tumbuh di luar Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) dan Partai MURBA.
periksa K Atmojo Majalah Lama: “Pekerdja” Tahun 1965
Before 1965, Indonesia had a large left and progressive movement which had developed as a part of the national revolution against Dutch colonialism. The Indonesian republican forces proclaimed their independence in 1945 and succeeded in forcing the Netherlands to formally recognise this new reality after four years of political and military struggle. In the years immediately following their 1949 victory, the left wing of the anti-colonial movement began the process of further developing its own political parties and mass organisations. The largest left-wing party to emerge was the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI, Partai Komunis Indonesia). There were also a number of smaller left organisations and individual Marxist and revolutionary personalities. These included the PKI, the left wing nationalist Indonesia Party (Partindo) and the “Trotskyist” Young Communist Generation (ACOMA, Angkatan Komunis Muda). In addition, a major polarisation had developed in the centrist Indonesia Nationalist Party (PNI, Partai Nasional Indonesia), which had developed a large mass-based left wing in many provinces. These forces were known as the PNI-Ali-Surachman or PNI-Asu, after its two main leaders.
Reaching a peak strength of several millions of members in the mid-1960s, the left in Indonesia was very much preoccupied with the immediate problems of fending off the increasingly aggressive and increasingly political armed forces, which had been aligning itself to the anti-left Muslim organisations, whose social base was the Indonesian merchant and land-owning class. There appears to have been some debate between the PKI, PNI-ASU, Partindo and ACOMA forces and within the PKI concerning strategy and tactics in the 1960s, however this is not reflected in any major documents. The political momentum, reflected in the growth of the PKI and PNI-ASU forces into millions of members, which had been created by the polarisation in Indonesian society on issues such as land reform, nationalisation of foreign companies, opposition to “foreign cultural influences”, seemed to sweep all before the advance of the left until late September 1965.
The growth of the left, especially as it had the support of the extremely popular President Sukarno, caused major panic in the armed forces leadership which began to discuss moves against the government. Apparently trying to pre-empt this possibility, another group of officers, led by two colonels, launched a mutiny in the armed forces. In the course of this mutiny, several ranking generals were eventually killed. However, the mutiny was crushed by Indonesia’s rapid deployment force (KOSTRAD, Army Strategic Command) under the command of Major-General Suharto who had apparently indicated originally to the mutineers that he would remain neutral.
The armed forces under Suharto seized power. Suharto accused the PKI of master-minding a coup, then banned the PKI and all affiliated organisations as well as Marxism-Leninism and communist ideology. He organised a national purge of the whole left, PKI, PNI-ASU, Partindo, ACOMA and individual leftists, which resulted in the slaughter of between 500,000 and 1,500,000 people. Almost 20,000 people were jailed for up to 15 years. Tens of thousands of people were forced to carry specially-marked identity cards and today still live under severe political restrictions.
disalin dari Winning democracy in Indonesia – New stage for the progressive movement By Max Lane
This article originally appeared in Links – International Journal of Socialist Renewal, Issue #2, July-September, 1994
As an “Old Bolshevik” in Indonesia, Tan Malaka knew very well the leading role that Trotsky played in the October Revolution. Trotsky was the co-leader of the October Revolution with Lenin. During the first period of the Indonesian Communist Party in the early 1920s, the names Lenin and Trotsky were synonymous for the Russian Revolution. At the Congress of the PKI in December 1921, above the stage were the pictures of Lenin and Trotsky, not Lenin and Stalin27. Tan Malaka also lived in the Soviet Union between 1922-23, when the Soviet regime was still fairly healthy and could see with his own eyes how Trotsky was highly revered amongst the workers. Although he never personally met Trotsky, he had seen him speak at demonstrations28. This definitely played a role in Tan Malaka’s neutral stance toward the Stalin-Trotsky struggle. He couldn’t just swallow the allegations that Trotsky – a well respected co-leader of the October Revolution – was a counter revolutionary who conspired with the fascists and the imperialists and was striving to bring capitalism back to Russia; not without reading Trotsky’s writings, something that he never had a chance to.
The only group that formally joined the Fourth International was Ibnu Parna’s Acoma (Angkatan Comunis Muda, Young Communist Force). Acoma was founded in 1946 from a group of communist youth. In the 1955 election, they gained enough votes to have Ibnu Parna elected as a member of parliament. In the early 1950s they began developing contacts with the International Secretariat of the Fourth International and in 1959 they affiliated with the Fourth International. There is very little record of Acoma’s relationship with the Fourth International, or of what their political programme and activities were as a section of the Fourth International. The Fourth International lost contact with the Acoma after the 1965 anti-communist counter-revolution in which Ibnu Parna was killed.
disalin dari Keeping the International alive: a history of the Fourth International – Ted Sprague
SEJARAH SURAT KABAR WARTA BANDUNG #5: Di Tengah Polemik Lambang Partai – Yogi Esa Sukma Nugraha.
Surat kabar Warta Bandung yang terbit pada tahun 1957 merekam polemik antara PKI dan Acoma yang sama-sama berideologi komunis memperebutkan lambang partai palu arit.
Warisan Ibnu Parna
Undang Berpikir Rakyat Berjuang, Ibnu Parna 1950
Menara Buruh, Ibnu Parna 1951
Pengantar Oposisi Rakjat, Ibnu Parna 1954
Marxisme dan MANIPOL USDEK Ibnu Parna dalam Pamflet ACOMA berjudul “Di Bawah Panji Marxisme Aliran Lenin dan Trotsky” yang diterbitkan Yayasan Pekerdja.
Marxisme dan Sosialisme ala Indonesia Ibnu Parna dalam Pamflet ACOMA berjudul “Di Bawah Panji Marxisme Aliran Lenin dan Trotsky” yang diterbitkan Yayasan Pekerdja.
