The rise of right-wing changes and parties across the globe took a giant and dangerous leap forwards Sunday when far-right nominee Jair Bolsonaro triumphed Brazil’s presidential election.

Bolsonaro, a federal congressman for Rio de Janeiro who formerly served as an Army officer, has praised members of the military tyranny that ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985 and has expressed a fondness for authoritarians past and present. He demolished onetime Sao Paulo Mayor Fernando Haddad of the left-wing Workers’ Party to prevail the runoff chapter of the election.

With almost all referendums counted, Bolsonaro had captivated more than 55 percent of the voting rights Sunday and been declared the winner by multiple Brazilian bulletin outlets.

Bolsonaro and Haddad faced off as the top two vote-getters in the first round of voting time Oct. 7, in which Bolsonaro came merely short of triumphing a majority.

His victory will give Brazil, the fourth-largest republic around the world and “the worlds largest” in Latin american states, in the pass of a far-right flesh who has expressed little expressed appreciation for democratic governance and has consistently proposed violent rant at pitch-black Brazilians, LGBTQ beings, women and indigenous people.

Bolsonaro was stabbed during awareness-raising campaigns contest in September and invested much of the election’s final 2 month campaigning from a hospice bed.

He will now take the reins of a beleaguered and discontented country. Over the last four years, Brazil has suffered a penetrating economic recession that it has struggled to flee, a sharp-worded uptick in violent crimes that has resulted in 60,000 murders annually, and a widespread political dishonesty probe that has implicated hundreds of legislators from across the political spectrum.

Since its last presidential election in 2014, one chairwoman, Dilma Rousseff, has been charged; another former president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, has been imprisoned on falsification commissions; and its current president, Michel Temer, has been linked to a political bribery scheme.

The ensuing disappointment with Brazil’s establishment defendants, and specially the left-wing Workers’ Party, weakened faith among the electorate and paved the mode for presidential candidates like Bolsonaro, who sloped himself as a savior who alone could “save” Brazil.

But rather than solve Brazil’s woes, a Bolsonaro who follows through on his harshest proposals and rhetoric are most likely regulation as a neo-fascist, having predicted last week to “cleanse” Brazil of his opposings on the left. He could soon offer a harsh reading in how privileged outage and political discontent can cause a modern democracy to crumble.

“He’s not kind of a despot, he is a authoritarian, ” Monica de Bolle, the director of Latin American contemplates at Johns Hopkins University, told HuffPost last-place month.

Bolsonaro’s rise to power was inspired by and modeled off of the ascent of similar captains in Europe and the United States. He has even payed — and espoused — the nickname “Brazil’s Donald Trump.” Bolsonaro exploited social media to make an end-run around Brazil’s conventional media sources, which he blamed as “fake news” even as his expedition and allies employed WhatsApp and Facebook to spread baseless rumors and reports about his opponents.

Bolsonaro feed a nationalistic, identity-based campaign that promoted and expanded off of ethnic and social backfire, in particular against the Workers’ Party and Brazil’s most marginalized populations. He has promised to stop “coddling” radicals like LGBTQ and black Brazilians and to purge Brazil of “foreign ideologies” — by which he entails leftism of any mixture.

Bolsonaro likewise benefited from his position as the most powerful nominee for Brazilians looking for an alternative to the Workers’ Party, which hampered the presidency from 2003 to 2016 under da Silva and Rousseff. The PT, as the working party is known, administered both Brazil’s economic blowup during da Silva’s tenure and the bust that occurred under Rousseff. The country’s economic woes and the party’s is linked to falsification — including da Silva’s 2017 sentence on bribery freights — gnawn religion in the party’s ability to govern and spurred fierce opposition to the potential return of PT governance among numerous Brazilians. Still, da Silva led pre-election polling for most of the past year before he was prohibited from loping because of the decay indictment. Haddad replaced him atop the Workers’ Party ticket.

The nation’s center-right defendants, meanwhile, were humiliated by their own corruption issues and involvement with Temer’s unpopular deciding coalition. Temer and the center-right even attempted to embrace some of Bolsonaro’s hard-line plans on cruelty, but that they were nonfactors in the election.

Bolsonaro gave buoy from across Brazil’s political and social range among Brazilians tired of corruption and horrific of violence. But his strongest subscribe came from a changing conservative evangelical progress that shares his views on social question, and from financial and business societies. The latter were swayed by their opposition to the Workers’ Party’s economic policies, and by Bolsonaro’s purported is supportive of their wished market-friendly approach to the economy.

Those privilegeds, nonetheless, will not likely responding to the harshest and most predictable results of his succes on Sunday: more savagery in politics and beyond. Bolsonaro has promised to further militarize public security and entrust Brazil’s police — already among the world’s deadliest — “carte blanche” to kill alleged crimes on display. That could exacerbate anti-retroviral drugs war in which the overwhelming majority of victims of homicides and police killings are young black souls. Some Brazilian activists had previously been saw the cruelty a “black genocide.” His rhetoric against women and LGBTQ people and a danger to roll back armours for them could also only deteriorate the plight of those groups in a country that are currently knowledge high levels of femicide and anti-gay cruelty.

Bolsonaro has announced Brazil’s era of armed tyranny a “glorious period” for the country, and his running mate, a retired Army general, has refused to rule out the potential return of armed settle. Bolsonaro also has a long history of advocating for violence against his political opponents. In the days before the election, he said the country would suffer a “cleansing ever been seen in Brazil” — those on the left, he said, “can either get out or go to jail.” In the same communication, he threatened to imprison Haddad, shut down human rights organisation, apprehend leaders of other pre-eminent leftist moves, and draw funding from Folha de Sao Paulo, one of Brazil’s largest newspapers.

Despite the similarities to Trump, Bolsonaro more closely resembles Rodrigo Duterte, the president of the Philippines whose deadly expansion of the country’s medicine struggle contribute to an estimated 20,000 extrajudicial killings at the entrusts of law enforcement.

But despite widespread protests against him in recent weeks, Bolsonaro could experience support for his policies at home. Brazil exhibits higher tolerance for the notion of authoritarianism and more is supportive of police and district brutality than many of fundamental democratic peers. Swaths of voters remained unconvinced or unmoved by Bolsonaro’s violent and anti-democratic rant. Bolsonaro’s small-time, right-wing Social Liberal Party, meanwhile, earned 51 accommodates in “the member states national” congress during the first-round elections in early October, more than it ever had before. And his allies were projected to win key governorships and state-level polls Sunday.

The connections of Bolsonaro’s victory will pull far beyond Brazil’s frontiers. His is proposed to screen environmental agencies and open the Amazon rainforest to mining and agricultural affairs could have devastating effects on the global fight against climate change. And because of the country’s size and influence in the world, the rise of a right-wing autocratic there could be a clear sign that liberal democracy is facing a full-scale global crisis.