“A Comparative Study/Analysis Between the English Language and the Astori Dialect of the Shina Language based on Affixation
(Prefixation and Suffixation)”.
ABSTRACT
The fundamental principle of this project is to examine or analyze the similarity in the process of affixation (prefixation and suffixation) between the English language and the Astori dialect of the Shina language. Mainly the native vocabulary of the Astori dialect is adopted for this research. All the borrowed and loan words are being neglected because of this we can get awareness about the flexibility of the respective dialect. This similarity looks for the ‘formation of new words’ due to affixation, ‘modification in meaning’ because of affixation, and eventually ‘variation in the class of words’ as a result of affixation. So, all the needed data is arranged from the related texts, articles, books, websites, and native population and actual speakers of this dialect. Thus, the results of this research proved that because of prefixes and suffixes (either in the English Language or in the Astori dialect of the Shina language), new words can be formed, the class of words can be changed and meaning also changes in each case. At last, this research has nominated that the flexibility of affixation of the Astori dialect is similar to that of the English language under the case study of the conversion of the ‘noun to noun’, ‘verb to the noun’, noun to the adjective’ and ‘adjective to the noun’ with the help of affixation. Hence, in the future, further studies can be conducted on the remaining parts of speech on the basis of affixation to evaluate the similarity between both of them.
TABLE OF CONTENT
TITLE OF RESEARCH
ABSTRACT
TABLE OF CONTENT
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Research Problem
1.3 Research Objectives
1.4 Research Questions
1.5 Delimitation of Study
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
CHAPTER 4
DISCUSSION/FINDINGS
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION
REFERENCES
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
In this very passage, we will be looking for a comparative study of the suffixation and prefixation in the English language and the Astori dialect of the Shina language. As Shina (/ʃinãã/ or /ʃiɳãã/) speaking areas are several in number in both India and Pakistan. Therefore, on the basis of Kohistani and Schmidt (2006: 137), The Shina-speaking territories under Pakistani rule include the following: Gilgit, Tangir-Darel, lower Hunza, Chilas, Astor, and the region of Indus Kohistan, while the Shina-speaking ranges in the Neelam (Kishenganga) drainage, the Gurez and Tiliel valleys, the Drass plain, and Ladakh are controlled by India. Shina is spoken in the Gurez Valley of Kashmir Division's District Bandipora and the Drass Area of Kargil District in Ladakh Division in India's northern state of Jammu and Kashmir. Radloff (1992: 122-150) says that the ‘Astori dialect is most familiar (81%) with Gurezi dialect of Shina language’, which is supposed to be famous in one prominent part of Northern Areas of Pakistan. i.e. Astore and people living in this region are called /astorĩje/.
Bailey (1924: 13-14), was the first to present an in-depth study of the grammar and phonology of Shina. He proposed three main types (dialects) of Shina based on his studies: Kohistani, Astori, and Gilgiti. i.e.
a) Kohistani (Chilasi and Kohistani)
b) Astori (Gurezi, Astori and Drasi)
c) Gilgiti
So, Bailey believes that 'Gilgit' is the true heartland of the Shina language and that Shina-speaking places include 'Gurez', 'Tiliel’, 'Burzil Valley’, 'valleys of upper Kishenganga’, 'the districts of Astor,' ‘Chilas’, ‘Kohistan’, and 'Gilgit’, among others. Thus, “Astori, Gurezi, and Drasi make up the Astori group” (Radloff. 1992: 122).
We have a total of 31 consonants (sometimes 33, as two are repeated according to the situation) in the Gurezi (Astori) dialect of the Shina language. i.e. p, pʰ, b, t, tʰ, d, k, kʰ, g, ʈ, ʈʰ, ɖ, s, z, ʃ, ʦ, ʦʰ, h, ʧ, ʧʰ, ʒ, m, n, w, j, l, r, ɽ, ʂ, ɳ, ŋ. In addition, there are 5 primary vowels in the Gurezi Shina. Considering length and nasalization, the total number of distinctive vowel phonemes in Shina is 20. Following are the graphemes for the non-nasalized 5 short vowels and non-nasalized 5 long vowels of Gurezi Shina: /i/, /ii/, /e/, /ee/, /a/, /aa/, /u/, /uu/, /o/, /oo/. Whereas, following is given the 10 nasalized vowels: /ĩ/, /ĩĩ/, /ẽ/, /ẽẽ, /ã/, /ãã/, /ũ/, /ũũ/, /õ/, /õõ/ (Ahmed, 2020, 105-109). So, henceforth we will pin down all the necessary words of the Astori dialect according to the above distribution of phonetic transcription.
The most notable thing is that we are going to focus on just similarities between the selected languages only. Furthermore, it is worthful to mention that both under-examined languages have the process of affixation (prefixation and suffixation), which is very influential for new word formation and meaning changing and sometimes word class changing. Thus, our research will draw the attention of the readers toward these three topics that will cover an equal portion of both languages.
Thus, in the English language, we can find many examples of prefixes and suffixes that become cause to create new words.
For instance:
Treat – retreat
Fortune – misfortune
Fix – prefix
Thus, in the above examples ‘re’, ‘mis’, and ‘pre’ are prefixes. So, we can see there is a variation based on meaning and identity.
Similarly, the Astori dialect has also a concept of prefixes and suffixes which are very beneficial for new word formation.
/bό/ - /nẻbό/ means ‘don’t go’
/tʰee/ - /kamtʰee/ means ‘to reduce’
So, in the above-mentioned examples, ‘nẻ’ and ‘kam’ are supposed to be prefixed. That changes the meaning and word class as well.
In addition, we can also highlight suffixes from the English language as well. i.e.
Help – helpful
Change – changeable
Sad – sadness
Thus, words including the above examples ‘ful’, ‘able’, and ‘ness’ are suffixes. Due to this, there is variation in meaning and word class also.
Moreover, there are so many suffixes in the Astori dialect also, these are
/pijoo̗/ - /pijoo̗nããw/ means ‘drinkable’
/a̗j/ - /a̗jlό/ means ‘goat family’
/aʐó/ - /aʐónó/ means ‘inside’
Hence, the above examples have example suffixes, that are ‘nããw’, ‘lό’, and ‘nó’. Thus, the meaning and class of words changed, and eventually, new words formed.
Jones, W. (1786). Furthermore, says that the comparative technique was established and successfully used to reconstruct the parent language, Proto-Indo-European and has been used in the study of other language families. So, without going too deeply into the subject, let us try to lay down some basic and broad concepts in comparative linguistics. Comparative linguistics (previously Comparative Grammar or Comparative Philology- the humanistic study of language and literature) is the study of the relationships or correspondences between two or more languages, as well as the methodologies used to determine whether they share a common ancestor. Eventually, in Europe during the nineteenth century, comparative grammar was the most prominent branch of linguistics. The discovery by Sir William Jones that Sanskrit was related to Latin, Greek, and German sparked the study, also known as comparative philology.
1.2 Research Problem
This effort will explore the prefixation and suffixation process in the English language and the Astori dialect of the Shina language. Moreover, this study would be influential for the investigation of similarities in the affixation processes of both languages. Eventually, it will propose the meaning-changing phenomena with the help of suffixation and prefixation in both selected languages and the changing of word class as well.
1.3 Research Objectives
The main objectives of this research are as follows:
1. To describe the suffixation and prefixation phenomena in the English language and Astori dialect of the Shina language.
2. To determine the mutual resemblance of the suffixation and prefixation process among both languages.
3. To verify the affixation process is influential for meaning changing of the base form of the targeted word.
4. It will also explain whether the variation in the word class of base form occurs or not.
1.4 Research Questions
According to the supremacy of the topic, our study will be confined to these basic questions so that is:
1. Do both the English language and the Astori dialect of the Shina language have an affixation process?
2. Is there any similarity between the suffixes and prefixes of both languages?
3. Does affixation help to change the meaning of the base form (of the word)?
4. Does the word class remain the same or change after (affixation) formation of a new word and the meaning change?
1.5 Delimitation of the Study
This little effort of comparison for affixation among both languages focuses on the similarities only. So, it has no relation to the differences between the two targeted languages for their suffixation and prefixation.
Moreover, this study also highlights the prefixation and suffixation process in native words or vocabulary of the Astori dialect of the Shina language only. Thus, all the borrowed words or loan vocabulary have been omitted during this lexical study. In addition, it focuses on the class changing words, meaning changing, and new word formation.
At last, our study is confined to some conversions including ‘noun to the noun’, ‘verb to the noun’, ‘noun to the adjective’, and ‘adjective to the noun’ only. While the rest of the parts of speech are not included in this study.
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
Literature Review
Ahmed, M. (2020: 77) made an effort to show the purpose of ‘able’, ‘like’, and ‘-ish’, etc. The derived adjectives in the Gurezi dialect are generated by adding suffixes /-ããj/ and /-ããw/ to verbs, nouns, adverbs, and adjectives. These derivative adjectives have a lot of different meanings. For instance, when the adjectives are derived from nouns, these generally convey the meaning of ‘like’ as exemplified in:
Noun Gloss Adjective Gloss
/ʐe̗el/ forest /ʐee.lã̗ãw/, /ʐee.lã̗ãj/ forest like
/ɡo̗oʂ/ home /ɡoo.ʐã̗ãw/ home like
/mu̗u.ʐu/ rat /muu.ʐã̗ãw/ rat like
/mu.ɳi/ tuber /mu.ɳaã̗̃w/ tuber like
Again (Ahmed, M. 2020: 78) says that the scope of verb formation from adjectives is very limited in Gurezi. So, we tried our best to collect some of them. i.e.
Adjective Root Suffix Verb Gloss
/kri.du̗/ /krid/ʒ/ /-oonu/ /kri.ʒoo̗.nu/ bitter/ to become bitter
/ʐi.gu̗/ /ʐig/ /-oonu/ /ʐi.gjoo̗.nu/ dry/ to become dry
/waa̗.zu/ /was/ /-oonu/ /wa.ʒoo̗.nu/ descending/ to descend
/ʈʃii.̗mu/ /ʈʃiim/ /-oonu/ /ʈʃi.mjoo̗.nu/ thick/ to become thick
/miʂ.tu̗/ /miʂt/ /-oonu/ /miʂ.tjoo.nu/ well/ to become well
/ʈʃi.ʈu̗/ /ʈʃiʈ/ /-oonu/ /ʈʃi.ʈjoo̗.nu/ bitter/ to become bitter
/ʃu.ku̗/ /ʃuk/ /-oonu/ /ʃuk.ʒjoo̗.nu/ dry/ to become dry
Plag (2003: 98-99) has divided prefixes among four broad categories, with an additional miscellanea category for prefixes that could never be characterized adequately. These would be (a) quantitative prefixes such as poly-, semi-, hyper-, uni-, di-, bi-, multi-, etc. (e.g. polysyllabic, semi-conscious, hyperactive, unification, ditransitive, bifurcation, multilateral); (b) locative prefixes such as endo-, counter-, circum-, trans- retro- inter-, etc. (e.g. endocentric, counterbalance, circumscribe, transmigrate, retroflex, intergalactic); (c) temporal prefix like pre-, fore-, ante-, neo-, post-, mis-, mal- etc. (e.g. preconcert, forsee, antedate, neoclassical, postmodify, mis-trail, malfunction); (d) negative prefixes like un-, in-, de-, a-, non-, dis-, etc. (e.g. unwrap, inactive, dethrone, asymmetrical, non-commercial, disagree); and others like vice-, pseudo-, etc. (e.g. vice-regal, pseudo-archaic).
According to Quirk (1985: 1546), the affix a- (together with be- and en-) serves primarily as a class-changing prefix along with little discrete semantic value. Its meaning is similar to that of the progressive (like aglow = glowing). Moreover, asleep, atop, abroad, ablaze, and apart are some other examples.
The varieties on the boundaries of the Kashmiri-speaking zones, Gurezi as well as Drasi, also developed possession suffix that expresses things for sexual identity, coinciding only with the gender of a possessive noun, according to Schmidt (2008: 21). It's most likely due to contact with Kashmiri, where the possessive suffix inflects to agree with possessive nouns. The following are some examples of possessive singular cases:
Gilgiti: muliay-ey nom ----- (the girl's name)
Kohistani: Gozo-ee ʃeron ---- (the roof of the house), gozo-ee tiki ---- (home-made bread/food)
