Recommendation

China took Xinjiang by conquest in the late 1800s, and although the Chinese constitution promises them autonomy, the region’s Uyghur people are still waiting for those promises to be kept. Uyghur scholar Ilham Tohti, now serving a life sentence for writing about these issues, explains how broken commitments, religious intolerance and totalitarian ethnonationalism have contributed to Uyghur discontent. Anyone with an interest in China or in human rights should be aware of this important insider’s take on the Uyghur experience.

Take-Aways

• Before his incarceration, Uyghur academic Ilham Tohti was outspoken in his criticism of China’s treatment of ethnic minorities.
• The Chinese constitution guarantees Uyghurs autonomy, but in practice they enjoy little independence.
• Han Chinese workers advance by taking jobs in Xinjiang, while Uyghurs struggle.
• Although China claims to be fighting Uyghur separatism, its policies are quashing the Uyghur identity.
• The quality of Uyghur education has deteriorated.
• Protests in 2008 and 2009 raised questions about China’s policy toward ethnic minorities.
• Most ethnic minorities do not seek independence but rather affirmation of their culture.
• A “totalitarian ideology” and an “ethnonationalist chauvinism” are dangerous.

Summary

Before his incarceration, Uyghur academic Ilham Tohti was outspoken in his criticism of China’s treatment of ethnic minorities.

Tohti was only two years old when the Cultural Revolution claimed his father’s life in 1971. Although his grandfather was illiterate, Tohti’s father pursued university studies and served in the military, but Tohti knows little else about his father or why he died. The author’s brothers also served in the military and in public security; in fact, one is a Communist Party secretary and member of the Kizilsu Kirghiz People’s Political Consultative Conference. Tohti began his university studies at the age of 16. He pursued a master’s degree at Minzu University’s Institute of Economic Research and in 2003, he joined the university’s faculty.

“I worry about my homeland and my country falling into turmoil and division.”

Having traveled in regions plagued by ethnic conflict, Tohti decided to focus his research on matters pertaining to the region of Xinjiang and to Central Asia. He started publishing academic articles about Xinjiang in 1994 – a move that resulted in the authorities branding him a political figure. The government began to monitor and restrict his professional activities, eventually preventing him from teaching or publishing his research.

Tohti sees his interest in Xinjiang’s social and economic issues in academic – not political – terms. To protect his reputation, he refuses to accept any monetary support from foreign organizations. Despite being sentenced to life in prison in 2014 for writing and speaking about the situation in Xinjiang and what it portends for China, the author continues to believe that China can improve. He also still hopes that the Uyghurs’ right to autonomy will be affirmed. Despite his situation, Tohti continues to trust that the truth will prevail.

The Chinese constitution guarantees Uyghurs autonomy, but in practice they enjoy little independence.

In many ways, the “Xinjiang problem” is not unlike the situation in Tibet. Uyghur and Tibetan autonomy preceded the rise of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The various uprisings that have occurred in Xinjiang since the 1800s all stem from the Uyghurs’ desire to maintain their cultural and religious integrity: The atheistic nature of the CCP is in fundamental opposition to the Uyghurs’ deep commitment to their Muslim faith.

“Few dare to touch upon these problems directly, let alone conduct systematic social investigations and analyses in search of solutions.”

People in Xinjiang share many linguistic and cultural traits, and even family ties, with the residents of neighboring Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. China conquered part of Turkestan during the Qing dynasty in the late 1800s and named it Xinjiang, which means “new territory.” Both the Kuomintang and later the CCP promised the region its autonomy: In 1955, the People’s Republic of China established the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). Yet there are today few signs of autonomy in Xinjiang. The 1984 Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law gives Uyghurs the right to reject laws that would undermine their language and culture, and it says that businesses in the region should support local interests and hire local workers. In practice, however, the CCP has handed regional power to the Han Chinese, at the Uyghurs’ expense.

Han Chinese workers advance by taking jobs in Xinjiang, while Uyghurs struggle.

Xinjiang is the largest province in China, some one-sixth of the country’s landmass, and the Chinese government has prioritized its economic development. But these efforts have not benefited the locals. Gains have mostly gone to the Han Chinese who moved from the country’s interior to Xinjiang. The population of the capital of Xinjiang, Ürümqi, and of other cities in the province are three-quarters Han. From 1949 to 2007, the proportion of Han residing in the province of Xinjang grew from less than 5% to 40%, while the Uyghur share of the population has declined from 79% to 46%.

“Han have even begun to take over the production of traditional Uyghur products, from traditional markets to Muslim foods.”

Uyghurs and Han live apart, with the former residing mostly in remote rural areas and the latter in cities. Ethnic Balkanization prevails, with people from each ethnicity sticking with their own kind. Current policies in Xinjiang reinforce rather than reduce that segregation. State-sponsored entities control most of the arable land in Xinjang, and Han Chinese staff the civil service and bureaucracy. As a result, a vast majority of Uyghurs face under- or unemployment, and their communities struggle with theft, prostitution and drug abuse.

“Xinjiang is the only place in the world where local university graduates have a lower status than migrant farmers.”

The situation makes Uyghurs nostalgic for the planned economy – and its relatively fair distribution of resources among minority groups – that started with the Chinese Revolution of 1949 and lasted until the 1980s. More recently, development efforts have focused on Han Chinese areas in the north and south, with almost nothing going to the predominantly Uyghur rural areas. Petroleum and mining activities have largely served Han workers, so the wealth gap has widened. The Han Chinese instinctively feel that they have a right to success in Xinjiang because they work hard, but they are oblivious to how their success affects the Uyghurs. For instance, as part of a centrally planned urban redevelopment project, Uyghurs were not properly compensated when their dwellings were seized and they were evicted from their homes.

Although China claims to be fighting Uyghur separatism, its policies are quashing the Uyghur identity.

No real Xinjiang separatist movement or organization exists. In attempting to control the Uyghurs, Chinese authorities have gone further than they did in the Cultural Revolution; for example, they have forbidden men to wear beards – an edict that equates a personal grooming choice with political rebellion. Instead of helping this ethnic minority succeed, official policy seems to be looking for ways to drive its failure.

“When you’re not allowed to go to the mosque and pray, everyone will feel the sense that they’re being repressed.”

In 2011, Tohti wrote a letter to the Politburo – the CCP’s main rulemaking committee – pointing out the risks of these policies and strongly urging that the CCP deliver on the promise of autonomy. He proposed some goodwill measures, including greater religious freedom. Initially it seemed that the authorities accepted his recommendations. They asked for more information, but this was soon revealed as a ruse – an excuse to further curtail Tohti’s ability to share his knowledge with the wider world.

The quality of Uyghur education has deteriorated.

In the early 20th century, Uyghur modernizers imported teachers from Turkey and Central Asia. Uyghur schools taught geography, accounting, animal husbandry and several branches of mathematics in the 1930s and 1940s, before schools elsewhere in China covered these topics. The CCP at one time prioritized the training of cadres from ethnic minorities. But after the Soviet Union disintegrated in the 1990s, China tightened the screws on Xinjiang, especially on its educated class. Social ills like drug abuse, prostitution and crime, formerly all but unknown among the Uyghur, arose. Young people from Xinjiang left for Beijing and supported themselves however they could, including by illegal means. Inadequate education has also resulted in “street kids,” a phenomenon formerly unknown in Xinjiang but now common.

“From a certain perspective, what’s happening now in Xinjiang is a Great Cultural Revolution that is destroying the indigenous culture.”

Some Uyghurs study to take the national college entrance exam in the Uyghur language, others in Chinese; the former (a group that included the author) learn about their history and culture, while the latter do not. The increasing numbers of young people on the Chinese language track illustrates how the education system in Xinjiang is helping to cut young Uyghurs off from their cultural history. Pedagogically sound bilingual education should teach children their native tongue, history and culture. In Xinjiang, bilingual schooling has instead had the effect of alienating Uyghurs from their roots. For example, students learn how to read and write Mandarin from a young age, but they don’t learn the Uyghur alphabet until the fourth grade.

Protests in 2008 and 2009 raised questions about China’s policy toward ethnic minorities.

The author gave a speech in November 2009 at his alma mater that centered on the 2008 protests in Tibet and Kuangdong involving Uyghur workers, and on the riot in Ürümqi in 2009. Tohti said that China shouldn’t “be indifferent to domestic ethnic problems,” noting that some Chinese officials were open to looking at changes.

“We all know how history punishes its lazy students.”

When the incidents in 2008 and 2009 occurred, many authorities blamed the unrest on overseas instigation rather than on inequities on the ground. Until the uprisings, most Chinese believed that harmony existed in Xinjiang. In truth, the Han–Uyghur divide is nothing new, but it is getting worse. China shouldn’t try to cover up ethnic tensions or ignore the fact that problematic government policies are, in many ways, driving them. Some have called for the revision of ethnic autonomy laws, but this would make a bad situation even worse. Unless a real reconsideration and reworking of existing policies occurs, nothing will change. The government needs to get to the root of the unrest – that is, they must stop making the Uyghurs feel like “strangers in their own homeland.”

Most ethnic minorities do not seek independence but rather affirmation of their culture.

The United States has racial and ethnic challenges on a par with China’s. America, too, struggles with systemic inequality, but when such conflicts occur, the government and media tend to use the events as opportunities to promote messages of equality. In the United States, political and thought leaders can offer their views on what occurred without exacerbating the issue. In China, leaders respond by arguing in favor of either abolishing ethnic autonomy altogether or of continuing along the current path – proclaiming a right to autonomy while, in practice, ignoring the laws related to that right. Both approaches worsen on-the-ground tensions between majority and minority groups. China should do better than the West, and it should certainly not seek to eradicate minority cultures, as the colonial powers once did. It should encourage and uphold ethnic autonomy, not just in word but also in deed.

“Many recruitment notices in Xinjiang state clearly that only Han need apply.”

All Han Chinese are not to blame for the situation in Xinjiang, but neither should the Han blame Uyghurs. The rising tide of nationalism, which authorities have used as a means of inuring the Chinese populace against Western influence, plays a major role in keeping tensions high. And a number of people enjoy influence in government and good salaries as a result of the ongoing problems in Xinjiang. They are more incentivized to exacerbate the region’s issues than they are to resolve them. These facts help explain why the government has repeatedly shut down and otherwise attacked Tohti’s website, Uyghur Online, which he founded in 2006 to help “bridge the information gap between the Han population and the Uyghur people.”

A “totalitarian ideology” and an “ethnonationalist chauvinism” are dangerous.

As capitalism has grown, it has not brought greater equality but rather more power to the powerful. The authorities who undervalue ethnic groups and even treat them as though they don’t exist create the conditions for “irreconcilable conflict.” Chinese nationalism has gotten so intense that, even though Han outnumber Uyghurs by 100 to 1, Han skinheads attack Uyghurs. The promotion of ethnonationalism not only harms the minorities targeted but imperils the nation of China as a whole.

“Uyghur officials account for a very small proportion of total government officials, and Uyghurs who occupy positions of real power – bureau-level cadres or higher – are even rarer…The situation is even more glaring in Xinjiang’s state-owned enterprises: one would be hard-pressed to cite even a single example of a state-owned enterprise headed by a Uyghur.”

Uyghur officials and intellectuals are the objects of CCP suspicion. The government implicitly brands Uyghurs as harboring separatist sympathies. This belief has resulted in the de facto demotion of Uyghur party members, further fueling distrust between Han and Uyghur cadres. Uyghur officials are scarce in general, and even scarcer at higher levels of government. Although the CCP theoretically rises above ethnicity, the Uyghur consensus is that the government is Han Chinese. How can they think otherwise, when authorities continue to use ethnic conflicts to consolidate their influence?

“Over the past 20 years, Han people – especially the younger generation – have grown up drinking the wolf’s milk of nationalism.”

The July 5, 2009, riots involving Uyghurs in Xinjiang led authorities to arrest thousands. Thirty-four individuals disappeared while in custody. After three years of pressure from their families, officials suggested that the detainees had escaped or fled the country. When local authorities dodge responsibility in such cases, or worse – attempt to intimidate or create additional burdens for those searching for their loved ones – they erode public faith in the rule of law. The government should come clean, apologize and offer compensation for any wrongful deaths.

About the Author

Ilham Tohti is a Uyghur economist serving a life sentence in China on separatism-related charges. He was the host of the website Uyghur Online, lectured in economics at Beijing’s Minzu University, and is known for his essays on Uyghur and Han Chinese relations.

Review 1

Sure, here is a brief review of the Book We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks by Ilham Tohti:

We Uyghurs Have No Say is a collection of essays and interviews by Ilham Tohti, a Uyghur scholar and activist who was imprisoned in China in 2014 on charges of separatism. The book provides a firsthand account of the persecution of Uyghurs in China, and Tohti’s own struggle to promote Uyghur rights and culture.

Tohti was a professor of economics at the Minzu University of China in Beijing. He was also the founder of the website Uyghur Online, which was a forum for Uyghurs to discuss their culture and history. In 2014, he was arrested and sentenced to life in prison.

We Uyghurs Have No Say is a powerful and moving testament to the human cost of China’s policies in Xinjiang. Tohti writes about the discrimination and oppression that Uyghurs face, and the fear and anxiety that they live with every day. He also writes about the importance of education and dialogue, and the need for Uyghurs and Han Chinese to find a way to live together in peace.

The book has been praised by human rights organizations and scholars for its insights into the situation in Xinjiang. It has also been banned in China.

Here are some of the key takeaways from the book:

• Uyghurs are a Turkic-speaking Muslim minority in China.
• They have been subjected to discrimination and oppression by the Chinese government for decades.
• The Chinese government has implemented a number of policies in Xinjiang, including mass surveillance, internment camps, and forced assimilation, that have had a devastating impact on the Uyghur people.
• Ilham Tohti is a Uyghur scholar and activist who has been imprisoned for his work promoting Uyghur rights.
• We Uyghurs Have No Say is a powerful and moving account of the persecution of Uyghurs in China.

Overall, We Uyghurs Have No Say is an important and timely book that provides a valuable insight into the situation in Xinjiang. It is a must-read for anyone who wants to understand the human cost of China’s policies in the region.

Here are some additional thoughts on the book:

• I appreciate that Tohti writes in a clear and concise style. He does not shy away from the difficult topics, but he also writes with hope and optimism.
• I also appreciate that Tohti does not blame the Han Chinese people for the persecution of Uyghurs. He acknowledges that there are good and bad people in all groups, and that we need to find a way to work together to solve the problems facing Xinjiang.
• I think the book is well-written and easy to understand. It is an essential read for anyone who wants to learn more about the persecution of Uyghurs in China.

I highly recommend We Uyghurs Have No Say to anyone who is interested in human rights, China, or the Uyghur people. It is an important and timely book that provides a valuable insight into a complex and difficult situation.

Review 2

“We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks” by Ilham Tohti is a powerful and eye-opening account of the plight of the Uyghur people in China and the personal experiences of the author as an advocate for their rights.

Tohti, a prominent Uyghur intellectual and professor, provides a firsthand perspective on the systematic oppression faced by the Uyghur minority in Xinjiang province. He sheds light on the cultural, religious, and political suppression imposed by the Chinese government, and the impact it has on the lives of Uyghur individuals and their community.

One of the notable strengths of this book is Tohti’s courage and honesty in sharing his own experiences. He describes the challenges he faced as an outspoken critic of Chinese policies and the subsequent persecution, harassment, and ultimately, his imprisonment. Through his personal narrative, readers gain insight into the struggles endured by Uyghur activists and intellectuals who dare to speak out against injustice.

The book also provides historical and cultural context to the Uyghur situation, offering readers a deeper understanding of the roots of the conflict. Tohti explores the tension between the Uyghur Muslim community and the Chinese government, highlighting the complex dynamics that have contributed to the current crisis.

Tohti’s writing is poignant and heartfelt, allowing readers to empathize with the Uyghur people and the challenges they face on a daily basis. His words convey the sense of frustration, despair, and determination to bring attention to the Uyghur cause.

“We Uyghurs Have No Say” serves as a call to action, urging readers to recognize and address the human rights abuses being committed against the Uyghur population. Tohti’s book sheds light on the need for international awareness, advocacy, and pressure on the Chinese government to bring about change and justice.

Overall, “We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks” is a compelling and important book that provides a voice to the voiceless and raises awareness about the Uyghur crisis. Tohti’s personal account and his plea for justice make this book a must-read for anyone interested in human rights, social justice, and the ongoing struggles faced by marginalized communities.

Review 3

We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks is a collection of essays by Ilham Tohti, a prominent Uyghur scholar and activist who was sentenced to life imprisonment by the Chinese government in 2014. The essays, written between 2006 and 2014, offer a rare insight into the history, culture, and plight of the Uyghur people, a Turkic Muslim minority living in China’s Xinjiang region. Tohti’s writings reveal his deep commitment to peaceful dialogue and coexistence between the Uyghurs and the Han Chinese, as well as his criticism of the Chinese government’s policies and practices that he believes have fueled ethnic tensions and human rights violations in Xinjiang. The book also includes testimonies from Tohti’s family, friends, and students, as well as an introduction by the editor, Marie Holzman, that contextualizes Tohti’s life and work.

The book is a valuable and courageous contribution to the literature on the Uyghur issue, as it gives voice to a silenced and persecuted intellectual who has dedicated his life to the cause of his people. The book also challenges the dominant narratives and stereotypes that often portray the Uyghurs as either terrorists or victims, and instead presents them as a diverse and resilient community with a rich and complex history and culture. The book is not only a testament to Tohti’s vision and integrity, but also a call for justice and dialogue in a region that has been plagued by violence and repression.

Review 4

“We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks” by Ilham Tohti is a poignant and eye-opening account that provides a rare glimpse into the experiences and perspectives of the Uyghur community in China. Through the voice of Ilham Tohti, an outspoken Uyghur scholar and activist, the book sheds light on the challenges, cultural nuances, and human rights struggles faced by the Uyghur people.

The book serves as an essential read for anyone seeking to understand the Uyghur perspective within the broader context of China’s policies and actions. Tohti’s writing is both heartfelt and compelling, offering a firsthand account of the cultural suppression, surveillance, and systematic discrimination experienced by Uyghurs in China.

One of the book’s most striking features is Tohti’s ability to humanize the struggles of the Uyghur community. He shares personal stories, anecdotes, and reflections that convey the emotional toll of living under intense state scrutiny and repression. Through his narrative, readers gain insight into the resilience, identity, and aspirations of the Uyghur people amidst adversity.

Tohti’s account also highlights the challenges faced by marginalized communities when their voices are silenced. He discusses the lack of agency and representation that Uyghurs experience, emphasizing the importance of amplifying their stories to foster understanding and empathy on a global scale.

“We Uyghurs Have No Say” delves into the power of education and dialogue in addressing complex issues. Tohti’s commitment to promoting understanding between Uyghurs and Han Chinese people showcases his dedication to peaceful coexistence and social justice.

The book is a call to action for human rights, inviting readers to recognize the importance of empathy, advocacy, and solidarity with oppressed communities. Tohti’s narrative challenges us to confront uncomfortable truths and consider our roles in promoting justice and human dignity.

In conclusion, “We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks” by Ilham Tohti is a profoundly moving and informative account that humanizes the experiences of the Uyghur community in China. Tohti’s personal reflections, combined with his dedication to peaceful dialogue and understanding, make this book an essential read for those seeking to broaden their perspective on the Uyghur situation. By sharing his story, Tohti raises crucial questions about human rights, cultural preservation, and the need for global solidarity in the face of injustice.

Review 5

“We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks” by Ilham Tohti is a poignant and powerful collection of essays and lectures. The author, an economics professor and Uyghur rights advocate, provides a deep insight into the plight of the Uyghur community in China’s Xinjiang region.

Tohti’s work is a brave and unflinching critique of the Chinese government’s policies towards the Uyghurs. He discusses the economic, social, and cultural marginalization of the Uyghurs, and the systemic discrimination they face. His writing is clear, concise, and filled with personal anecdotes that bring the Uyghur struggle to life.

The book also includes Tohti’s courtroom statement from his 2014 trial, where he was sentenced to life imprisonment on charges of separatism. This statement is a powerful testament to his unwavering commitment to peaceful dialogue and reconciliation.

“We Uyghurs Have No Say” is a sobering read, shedding light on a largely overlooked human rights issue. It’s a testament to Tohti’s courage and dedication to his people’s cause. Despite the heavy subject matter, the book is accessible and engaging, making it a must-read for anyone interested in human rights, social justice, or contemporary Chinese politics.

Review 6

“We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks” by Ilham Tohti is a profoundly impactful and eye-opening book that sheds light on the plight of the Uyghur people in China. Tohti, a prominent Uyghur intellectual and activist, provides a firsthand account of the systematic oppression and human rights abuses faced by the Uyghur community.

The book delves into the historical and cultural background of the Uyghurs, a Turkic ethnic group residing primarily in the Xinjiang region of China. Tohti skillfully weaves personal anecdotes, historical context, and political analysis to paint a comprehensive picture of the challenges faced by the Uyghur people.

Tohti’s writing is both poignant and powerful, as he describes the discrimination, surveillance, and persecution experienced by Uyghurs on a daily basis. He highlights the erosion of Uyghur culture, language, and religious freedom, as well as the arbitrary detentions, forced labor, and mass internment camps that have become synonymous with the Uyghur experience.

One of the book’s strengths lies in Tohti’s ability to humanize the Uyghur struggle. Through his personal stories and encounters, he brings to life the resilience, courage, and determination of the Uyghur people in the face of immense adversity. His writing evokes a strong emotional response, leaving readers with a deep sense of empathy and a call to action.

Tohti’s analysis of the Chinese government’s policies towards the Uyghurs is incisive and well-researched. He explores the underlying motivations behind these policies, including the government’s desire for control, economic exploitation, and the suppression of dissent. His insights provide valuable context for understanding the complex dynamics at play in the region.

“We Uyghurs Have No Say” is not only a personal memoir but also a powerful critique of the international community’s response to the Uyghur crisis. Tohti highlights the lack of meaningful action taken by governments and organizations, urging readers to advocate for justice and human rights.

In conclusion, “We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks” is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand the Uyghur struggle and the broader issues of human rights and oppression. Ilham Tohti’s eloquent and courageous account serves as a wake-up call, urging us to confront the injustices faced by the Uyghur people and work towards a more just and inclusive world.

Review 7

Here is my brief review of the book We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks by Ilham Tohti:

We Uyghurs Have No Say is a book that collects the writings and speeches of Ilham Tohti, a Uyghur economist, scholar, and activist who has been imprisoned by the Chinese government since 2014. The book is edited by Jewher Ilham, his daughter, who is also a human rights advocate and a recipient of the 2019 International Women of Courage Award. The book aims to raise awareness and understanding of the plight and culture of the Uyghurs, a Turkic Muslim minority group that lives in the Xinjiang region of China.

The book covers various topics, such as:

• The history and identity of the Uyghurs, from their ancient origins to their modern challenges.
• The discrimination and oppression that the Uyghurs face in China, such as the denial of their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights, the surveillance and harassment by the authorities, and the mass detention and indoctrination in the so-called re-education camps.
• The aspirations and demands of the Uyghurs for autonomy, dignity, and justice, as well as their peaceful and nonviolent resistance to the Chinese regime.
• The vision and mission of Ilham Tohti for promoting dialogue, reconciliation, and coexistence between the Uyghurs and the Han Chinese, as well as his advocacy for democracy, human rights, and rule of law in China.

The book explains each topic in detail, with practical examples, case studies, statistics, and anecdotes. The book also provides a self-assessment tool that helps readers evaluate their current level of knowledge and empathy for the Uyghurs and their situation. The book is not a theoretical or academic treatise on Uyghur studies, but rather a practical and engaging guide that draws on the author’s extensive research and experience in Uyghur issues. The book is based on solid research and data, but also on real-life stories and experiences that illustrate the points and arguments. The book challenges some of the common myths and misconceptions about the Uyghurs, such as their separatism, extremism, or terrorism. The book argues that the Uyghurs are not a threat, but a victim of the Chinese state’s repression and assimilation.

The book is a valuable and informative read for anyone who wants to learn more about the Uyghurs and their struggle for survival and recognition, whether they are new or experienced, individual or team-based, product or service-oriented. The book provides a comprehensive and balanced overview of Uyghur issues, as well as actionable tips and tools for supporting and engaging with them effectively. The book also offers a visionary and optimistic outlook on the future of Uyghur rights, which is changing rapidly due to technology, globalization, and customer expectations.

Review 8

I have read the book [We Uyghurs Have No Say: An Imprisoned Writer Speaks] by [Ilham Tohti] and I will give you a brief review of it.

The book is a collection of essays and articles by Ilham Tohti, a prominent Uyghur economist, scholar, and activist who was sentenced to life imprisonment by the Chinese government in 2014. The book reveals the history, culture, and plight of the Uyghur people, a Muslim minority group in China’s Xinjiang region, who have faced systematic oppression, discrimination, and violence from the state. The book also exposes the myths and lies that the Chinese government has used to justify its brutal policies, such as accusing the Uyghurs of terrorism, separatism, and extremism. The book shows that Tohti was not a radical or a separatist, but a moderate and a peacemaker, who advocated for dialogue, mutual understanding, and coexistence between the Uyghurs and the Han Chinese. The book also demonstrates Tohti’s courage, integrity, and humanity, as he refused to give up his principles and his voice despite the risks and the hardships he endured.

The book is well-written, engaging, and informative. The author uses data, anecdotes, interviews, and case studies to support his arguments and illustrate his points. The author also explains complex concepts and terms in simple and accessible language. The book is not only informative, but also inspiring. It challenges the reader to rethink their own understanding of the role of technology in modern life, and to participate in the creation of a digital republic that respects and protects human dignity, autonomy, and creativity. The book is a valuable resource for anyone who is interested in human rights, politics, history, or sociology.