Before the 4th republic, the Yoruba intelligentsia was only interested in a Sovereign National Conference. That was their recipe to cure our intractable national disunity and dysfunction. The catechism was, the country needed a new memorandum of association; the constitution was congenitally defective.
They didn’t think that what they perceived as fundamental structural defects in the union could be solved by political cosmetics. They didn’t believe that any parliament derived from elections mediated by a flawed constitution could be representative enough to engineer enduring unity, good governance and justice.
The nation ceded the presidency to the Yoruba in 1999. But that didn’t assuage the Afenifere who felt that those who wanted the country to continue wobbling as a patched-up kabukabu had foisted their man at the steering wheel. With time, the influence of Afenifere waned, the indignation of NADECO subsided, pro-democracy activism became obsolete and the scramble for political offices and spoils eroded all puritanical inclinations and washed off the stubborn reeds to the desolate shore of political irrelevance.
By the time President Jonathan convened his national conference, the erstwhile champions of a sovereign national conference had become either too inconsequential to steer any national discourse or too neck-deep in running the kabukabu to risk a major overhaul. The Odua Peoples Congress had become an overfed vigilante group scouting for political gigs.
In truth, Jonathan lacked conviction and his conference seemed a gimmick. But Jonathan wasn’t the reason NADECO intellectualism was caricatured as self-seeking. Many of the stalwarts of NADECO had become allergic to the idea of a conference let alone a sovereign one. A conference would distract the people from punishing a bumbling ruling party. They wanted to taste concentrated federal power.
After Jonathan lost to Buhari, the Igbo who had pitched their tent with the PDP felt disoriented and displaced. The PDP was out of power for the first time since it was born. The Igbo who had religiously put all its eggs in that one basket for sentimental reasons, felt more bereaved than the Ijaw, Jonathan’s kinsmen. Not even the argument that it had gained nothing but toys and candies from the PDP could placate the tribe.
Perhaps, the PDP had given the Igbo a sense of belonging which though it didn’t translate to roads and bridges and industries, soothed its deep wounds. At this time, social media was in its infancy. Running around the room, knocking cups and stools over with glee. The dislocation of the Igbo into a rudderless opposition was compounded by Buhari’s aloofness towards inclusion. Soon, grazed by power mongers, old wounds started to bleed. Soon, questions about nationhood which Afenifere and NADECO had asked in the past, resurrected.
Long stories must be cut short. In 2015, a section of the Igbo nation dusted up the ghost of Biafra. When Biafra is used, long sermons are not needed. The rhetoric employed was uncooked. The methodology lacked tact, patience and coherence. No attempt was made to woo minds. A rich pulsating vein of discontent had been tapped. Unlike NADECO and Afenifere, the IPOB didn’t go through the gears. In a few months, it was already calling for war. Because it didn’t trade in reasons, it made propaganda of all shades its weapon.
It didn’t seek international and local partners. Bigotry and hate speech were used wantonly. It didn’t only alienate other groups in the country from its cause, it ostracized the Igbo elite and divided the Igbo nation. The descent was fast and steep. The Igbo nation became plagued. The government affixed the terrorist label. The IPOB metamorphosed beyond recognition. Every whiff of marginalization became fuel for the fire. The concomitant incalculable ruin is still mounting.
When Tinubu shouted ‘emilokan,’ the Igbo was inconsolable. Since no sovereign national conference was in sight to devolve power to the periphery and the country had adopted turn-by-turn as equity, Tinubu’s ambition, after eight years of Obasanjo, seemed an affront to the Igbo. The moderates shifted and submitted to ethnic sentiments. The extremists shifted a little away from nihilism, towards the moderates.
They coalesced on Obi. In Obi, a new unity was found. Conscience, emotion and commonsense congregated to express themselves without conflict. The demand for the presidency became a new minimum. And because Obi portrayed himself as simple and different and excited the imagination of neutrals in many parts of the country, the overwhelming majority of the Igbo felt divinely justified to pursue the cause without apologies. But Tinubu was formidable.
The formidableness of Tinubu incited Igbo passion in Obi. With righteous indignation, they viewed his opponent as an insatiable usurper. Once he was the facilitator of the man who dislocated the Igbo into the opposition, now he was the man taking a turn that belonged to the Igbo. Consequently, during the campaigns, nothing was spared. The barbed rhetoric and bile were employed by both sides and old wounds started to gape. The land was febrile. But it was the inexcusable lapses by INEC that made any acceptance of Obi’s loss impossible. As if that wasn’t sufficiently problematic, the governorship election in Tinubu’s all-accommodating home state, Lagos, witnessed naked hostility against the Igbo.
In a few weeks, the Supreme Court will conclude all legal disputes. But before then, Atiku has been to the US to whip up a storm. Fortunately, Atiku is Fulani, so nobody has issued new threats against the Igbo. As provoking as Atiku’s excavation expedition might appear to Tinubu’s supporters, nobody has called for punishment of any ethnic group. Tinubu’s media team must be commended. Hopefully, they will learn to extend such courtesies to the Igbo publicly and behind the scenes. If the Supreme Court affirms the decision of INEC then Tinubu must rise above gamesmanship. He need not convoke a sovereign national conference. He can keep his prize. But he must recite the old national anthem. Because though our tribes and tongues may differ, it is only in brotherhood that we can stand. So that with peace, plenty our collective portion be.
Tinubu’s priority must be national unity. Only national unity can bring security without which there can be no economic recovery even if we devise ingenious ways to tax goats and chickens. Because of the civil war, the Igbo cherish a sense of belonging. So Tinubu must understand that psychology and use his two hands in extending the olive branch. Sensitive security positions give a sense of belonging. The enthronement of merit, equity and social justice will heal wounds everywhere. A level playing field is the theatre of inclusion.
But in Igbo land, Tinubu must address the elephant in the room. Nnamdi Kanu has a date in the Supreme Court in December. An elaborate political agreement guaranteed by religious leaders could be reached. To secure peace and prosperity for the region, timely compromises might be necessary. After resolving the Nnamdi Kanu conundrum, Tinubu can challenge Igbo leaders to instill order. Nnewi is a Silicon Valley in waiting. Aba throbs with tech and garment talent. Tinubu has low-hanging Igbo fruits of goodwill to harvest.
Tinubu wants to be remembered. Mandela fought for justice and then peace. Mahatma Gandhi preached freedom, peace and justice. Tinubu’s strategy in Igbo land shouldn’t be tit for tat. It shouldn’t be how to win votes. He should woo the Igbo to forge oneness between ‘Emilokan’ and ‘Igbolokan’ .Tinubu should aim to win Igbo hearts and minds by winning peace and prosperity for Igbo land.
The post Tinubu And The Igbo -By Ugoji Egbujo first appeared on Opinion Nigeria.
