“My preference when dealing with an issue like this — which I don’t think is particularly ideological — is to speak to members individually and figure out what anxieties or concerns they might have,” Young said in a statement. interview with Kaine.

Kaine said he has regularly broached the subject at Democratic caucus meetings for a decade now, describing himself as a “Johnny one-note” on an issue he first noticed in 2002 when he was Lieutenant Governor of Virginia.

“Congress must assume these responsibilities. Having a good bipartisan colleague on this just makes the difference,” Kaine said.

Since introducing their first joint War Powers repeal bill in 2019, Kaine and Young have taken different approaches with their respective parties on the issue. Kaine said his challenge was not so much winning the support of his fellow Democrats as getting caucus attention amid a host of competing national security issues.

“It’s been a long crusade by Senator Kaine,” the senator said. Sheldon White House (DR.I.), who recalls his colleague “standing up in our caucus and talking about it every two months.”

On Young’s side, pro-repeal Republicans said the passage of time and growing opposition to a protracted war among their party’s base were making it easier to sell the removal of permits. Moreover, only a handful of senators who had initially voted for the war in Iraq remain in the hemicycle.

“Every decade we go beyond the end of the war, I think most people finally understand that the war is over,” Sen said. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), describing Young as “very, very good” at mustering GOP support for the effort.

Other Republican allies said Young’s experience as a former Marine lent credence to his case for repealing war powers.

“When it comes from Todd, who spent years there as an officer, I think it still means a little bit more. It’s not like he’s a dove,” Sen said. Roger Marshall (R-Kan.), a proponent of repeal.

Wednesday’s repeal vote won the entire Senate Democratic majority, in addition to 18 Republicans ranging from centrist Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) to hands-off curator Paul.

Should the Senate repeal of war powers pass the House, the Biden administration has indicated that the president will support him. But getting him to Biden’s office requires a House stint — and it won’t be easy. President of Foreign Affairs Michael McCaul (R-Texas) wants to repeal and replace both the 2002 military force authorization and a broad authorization passed in 2001 after the 9/11 attacks, the latter still serving as the basis for counterterrorism activities around the world .

McCaul said this week that he wanted a “counterterrorism-focused AUMF without geographic boundaries” that would end after five years “so it’s not a forever war story.”

But McCaul also made it clear that the ultimate decision rests with the president. Kevin McCarthyand the California Republican is already struggling to deal with an issue that divides his conference.

And the strategy Young employed to win over Senate Republicans might not work in the House: The Hoosier said he tailored his arguments to the member as he built a sufficient Republican bloc to enact the repeal.

Democrats have taken notice — especially Young’s colleagues on the Foreign Relations Committee, which remains a rare, sometimes bipartisan bastion on a bitterly divided hill. Kaine described the Hoosier as “a natural partner”, while the senator. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) said “he’s one of the people that holds the Senate together.”

From his side of the aisle, Young played down the notion that his work on the repeal of war powers has created unease with GOP leaders in the Senate, all but the National Republican Senate President. Steve Daines (R-Mont.) ultimately opposed the bill. (minority leader Mitch McConnellstill absent from the chamber recovering from a concussion, condemned the repeal vote on Tuesday.)

“In this job, we do what we believe is right and in the best interests of our constituents and the country,” said Young, who easily won a second term last fall.

However, not all senior Senate Republicans took the Minority Whip’s approach. John Thune (RS.D.) – who observed about the repeal vote that “sometimes you just have to accept reality”. Florida Senator Marco Rubiotop Republican on the Intelligence Committee, spoke on behalf of GOP colleagues who fear the repeal of war powers will only embolden American enemies abroad.

“I’m also worried about how our opponents will read this,” said Rubio, who opposed the repeal. “Will this be used against us?”

Meanwhile, many of Kaine and Young’s colleagues might wish they would join hands to go even further by revamping or even outright repealing the 2001 war powers authorization that McCaul is considering, which strengthened the US military presence in Afghanistan. The duo said in this week’s interview that they are open to such discussions, but acknowledge that the needle will be difficult to thread.

“It will take a lot of work to get there,” Kaine said, suggesting Wednesday’s vote could create “a bit of momentum to explore how to make sure we have the right authorities.”

Young said he would like to ensure that any review of the War Powers Measure of 2001 clarifies that there will be no loopholes in existing legal authorities to conduct the necessary operations overseas, which , according to him, many members see as a point of vulnerability.

For now, pro-repeal senators seem openly grateful to have completed work on a substantive bill after the Democratic majority considered more than 10 GOP amendments. As Murphy said, “people crave meaty, bipartisan bills”.

“The country is war-weary and there is an instinct, which is the right one, that we cannot be at war forever,” Sen said. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii). “And there’s a nice left-right coalition that understands that.”

majority whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) was not alone in openly praising the architects of this coalition.

“Give credit to Tim Kaine and Senator Young,” he said.