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Why a new Chinese cell phone is freaking everybody out

How the next wave of technology is upending the global economy and its power structures
Sep 05, 2023 View in browser
 

By Ben Schreckinger

With help from Derek Robertson

Huawei's logo. | Sean Gallup/Getty Images

It's not often that the launch of a new phone raises huge policy questions about global technology and control of the future, but the Chinese telecom giant Huawei managed exactly that last week.

As Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo toured China, Huawei unveiled a new smartphone powered by an apparently Chinese-made Chip more advanced than any the country had produced to date.

Joe Biden has staked much of his trade policy on blocking China from acquiring cutting-edge computer chips, so news outlets and social media users in both China and the West greeted the announcement as a big setback to those efforts.

Is it that big a deal? A half-dozen experts on the U.S-China tech race told DFD that meaning and scale of the Chinese achievement — and its implications for U.S. policy — depend on its details, which are still emerging as of this afternoon.

“How Huawei managed to do this matters quite a bit,” Gregory Allen, former director of strategy and policy for the Pentagon’s Joint Artificial Intelligence Center, told Digital Future Daily.

Analysts said there were a range of scenarios by which Huawei could have acquired the chips, each with its own implications for U.S. policy:

The stockpile scenario. While early analyses suggest China’s Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation produced the chip domestically, Allen said it was too soon to rule out the possibility that the phones simply use chips stockpiled before the imposition of U.S. export restrictions, or smuggled in since.

The use of stockpiled chips would have little bearing on current policies, while the use of recently smuggled chips would suggest a need for the U.S. to tighten its export controls.

Chinese chips from imported equipment. Another scenario — consistent with reports last summer that SMIC was producing its own advanced chips — is that SMIC manufactured the chips in China using equipment procured from abroad before Commerce imposed its restrictions last October. Since then, the Netherlands and Japan, global leaders in advanced chipmaking, have joined the blockade.

Manufacturing equipment providers from participating nations are banned from providing spare parts or software updates that would support continued operation of the manufacturing equipment.

Graham Webster, editor-in-chief of Stanford’s DigiChina Project, told DFD there was room for the U.S. to further tighten restrictions on maintenance support.

The accidental competitor scenario. The most dramatic possibility is that Chinese firms have quickly learned to create the equipment needed to manufacture advanced chips themselves, an achievement far beyond their previously known capabilities.

That would suggest that U.S. policy had backfired by spurring rapid Chinese innovation at the upper end of chipmaking — but evidence for this possibility remains lacking.

Now what? If, as initial indications suggest, Chinese firms did produce the chips domestically — whether with their own or imported equipment — a key question would be at what yield, a measure of the efficiency of their manufacturing process.

The complicated manufacturing process for high-end microchips is sensitive to errors, meaning that a large volume of silicon wafers may only yield a small number of working microchips.

If China produced its chips with a low yield, the phones would amount to a “high-expense demonstration project,” as Webster put it, rather than an indication that the country was ready to produce its own advanced chips at scale.

A U.S. response could take several potential forms.

Among them, Allen argued for increasing the budget of the Commerce Department’s Bureau of Industry and Security, which is charged with enforcing the export restrictions, saying the budgets of Russians and Chinese smugglers had surely increased in the past year

The Biden administration could also cut ties further. Last month, the Biden administration pursued a six-month extension of a Carter-era technology-sharing deal with Beijing, despite pressure from House Republicans to scrap the arrangement. The agreement could be curtailed or abandoned when the short-term extension expires next year.

Mike Pillsbury, a fellow at the Heritage Foundation who has advised several presidential administrations on China policy, said the unveiling also underscored a need for U.S intelligence agencies to strengthen their science-and-technology capacity, which he said has withered since the end of the Cold War.

“Correct the blindness,” Pillsbury, author of “The Hundred-Year Marathon: China's Secret Strategy to Replace America as the Global Superpower,” told DFD.

 

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more trouble testing chatgpt

Before DFD’s weeklong pre-Labor Day break, we covered a splashy new paper that claimed ChatGPT consistently displayed political bias on the behalf of liberal parties across the globe.

Author Fabio Motoki responded to some of the highest-profile critiques of the paper during our conversation, including one from data scientist Colin Fraser, who said he was able to invert ChatGPT’s “bias” by reversing the order of the questions. Motoki responded, saying his paper used the outputs of a now-updated version of ChatGPT that’s no longer available — proof of how the black-box nature of AI obscures its inner workings.

That explanation wasn’t good enough for Fraser, who responded in a thread on X — formerly called Twitter — last week that the processes behind ChatGPT’s responses, and Motoki’s paper itself, are still too opaque to prove bias for any political ideology. Fraser’s main points of contention: That when he used an older model from earlier this year (although not the one Motoki and his co-researchers used), he still got the same (presumably invalidating) responses, and that it’s near-impossible to judge the paper without having the raw responses from the bot available for analysis.

Fraser concludes it’s “worth stressing that my broader critique of the paper, which is that asking LLMs to fill out surveys is not a valid way to infer anything about their broader tendencies, still holds regardless of any of this minutia about the exact prompt used to survey the LLM.” — Derek Robertson

flying solo

An Airbus A350-900 passenger plane. | Sean Gallup/Getty Images

Is the future of commercial flight one with significantly fewer pilots?

POLITICO’s Mari Eccles and Alex Daugherty probed that possibility for Pro subscribers today, exploring what some pilots see as an alarming scenario: One where autonomous software gradually replaces a human flight crew. French manufacturers Airbus and Dassault are currently pushing for a one-person cockpit, contrary to the long-standing rule that every pilot should have a human backup.

A top Airbus executive told the Associated Press in 2019 that they “don’t see a hurdle” to such a scenario from a technological standpoint, but pilots are in a tizzy: “What if there was a request from air traffic control? There’d be no response,” Otjan de Bruijn, a captain with Dutch carrier KLM and president of the European Cockpit Association, the largest pilots’ union in Europe, told Mari and Alex. “They’d need direct, quick action to avoid a conflict to avoid a crash in midair. So you can imagine that there’s nobody to control at the time that will just lead to fatalities.”

Mari and Alex note that despite protests from pilots and other safety-minded groups, the industry might push forward due to market concerns as airlines struggle to hire enough pilots to keep up with demand. — Derek Robertson

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Stay in touch with the whole team: Ben Schreckinger ([email protected]); Derek Robertson ([email protected]); Mohar Chatterjee ([email protected]); and Steve Heuser ([email protected]). Follow us @DigitalFuture on Twitter.

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This post first appeared on Test Sandbox Updates, please read the originial post: here

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