At most, the short presidency (1930-32) of Pascual Ortiz Rubio is relegated to a mere mention in surveys of Mexican history. Overlooked is that he was the last president to have been a victim of a serious assassination attempt, and that the botched assassination had major — and unexpected — consequences for the future of Mexico.

Although the Revolution had managed to overthrow the old oligarchy, there was no consensus of what would come next. Obregón, having come into office following an attempted coup by (or at least in the name of) the interim president Adolfo de la Huerta (serving following Carranza’s attempt to continue in the presidency following his term, and a brief civil war ending in Carranza’s death, possibly a suicide) in 1920 (fearing, among other irregularities, and attempted military uprising by one of the other candidates, who ended up before a firing squad) mused that with insurgentes of the 19th century overthrowing the Viceroyality, the Reformists overthrowing Santa Ana and the Church, and the Army overthrowing oligarchs, who would be overthrowing the war-lords. His own policy was to wherever possible subvert the other generals, famously saying “No Mexican general can withstand a barrage of gold pesos.” Those who refused to play along… well, Obregon had not become the winningest general of them all for nothing.

When his slightly abbreviated term ended, to no surprise, it was his close ally Plutaro Elias Calles who replaced him. Where Obregon was seeking to impose his vision of society on Mexico including weakening the Catholic Church’s power and influence, Calles went at it with a vengance, touching off a counter-revolution in the Bajio… the “heartland of Mexico” as well as a string of smaller military and civil revolts, including the Yaquí War…the last major “Indian war” in North America.

While Calles and Obregon both had their successes in reforming the Mexican state and in some manner, creating a more just society, stability eluded them. Obregon’s legislative supporters pushed through a constitutional amendement, which would — or so it was hoped — restore some stability and kick the problem of succession and continuity in administrations down the road. The presidential term would be lengthened to six, instead of four, years, and — although “no re-election” had been the battle cry in 1910 — re-election after being out of office a term was permitted. And so, with Calles’ overt support, Obregon was elected to a six year term in July 1928. Only to be gunned down by one of those Catholics (Juan Toral) who had taken to terrorism in response to Calles extreme anti-clerical policies.

Calles, to his credit, did not simply stay on, but followed the letter of the constitution, allowing the Interior Minister, Emilio Portes Gil, to serve as “interim president” until the next legislative election, when there would be a simultanous election to fill the rest of the six year term. For an “accidental president”, Portes Gil did a better job than expected, largely bringing the Cristero War (that religiously motivated counter-revolt in the Bajio) to a conclusion, while leaving the political future of the country to Calles.

Not that Calles was going to give up control, but through a party, with the consensus of his caregully chosen Central Committee, could extend his power. His eye fell on Pascual Ortiz Rubio, who’d been a military subordinate in the Revolution, but had been more or less “on ice”, serving various diplomatic posts largely out of the public eye. At the same time, the well-respected José Vasconcelos — philosopher and educational reformer, who had broken with Calles — decided also to mount a run for the “Eagle Throne”.

Taking office, on the first of December 1929, the first president from the party, that would continue to hold power (even with two reformations and name changes along the way) until the end of the century, the crafted plan for creating a stable political system was very nearly undone the day he took office. What exactly happened, beyond “somebody” shooting the president (on his way to a party) two months into his term, 5 February 1930. For certain, Ortiz Rubio was shot in the jaw, and — while there is almost no doubt over who shot him or why — the whole affair seems to have been flushed down the memory hole. For… reasons?

As with Obregón’s (presumptive) assassin, Juan Toral, Ortiz Rubio’s (presumptive) assailant — Daniel Flores Gonzalés — was an active member of the pro-clerical underground. As he would confess (under tortune?) but later deny in an Supreme Court appeal two years later , Toral’s father, and Flores’ father certainly knew each other… Toral Sr. being Flores Sr’s lawyer and “man of business”. Toral admited, and Flores would first admit, then deny, being members of cells of the secretive “National League for the Defense of Religious Freedom”. Although Flores was a “country bumkin”, a small town boy, he had at least corresonded regularly with the Pro Suarez brothers and their allies (who’d attempted unsuccessfully to assassinate Obregon… twice). And, at any rate, Flores had been caught with the proverbial “smoking gun” in his hand, being tackled by unlookers as the President had emerged from his car.

While, for some unclear reason, there was an attempt to blame the attack on Basques, or on Vasconcellos (Flores admitted in court to having voted for Vascncellos, but denied a political motive), and his actions… travelling from San Luis Potosi to Mexico City (where he’d never been before) in the company of his priest, stopping along the way to visit another priest…. and, in the Supreme Court papers… .having visited the Basilica of the Virgin of Guadalupe to have his pistol blessed. All the indications that the assassination was religiously motivated.

However, Flores’ trial was a disaster. He was uncooperative, fired his lawyer half way through and continually contradicted himself. After hearing his appeal, he was sentenced to 19 years in prison, but died in 1932, under HIGHLY suspicious circumstances… he was only 25, and his death certificate attributes his dealth to a heart attack, although it was apparently discussed in the Cabinet, and among party leaders, how best to dispose themselves of the embarassing would be assassin. One popular theory is that an indigenous curandaro or rather wiitch-doctor (curanderos being presumably on the side of their patients) to prepare a poison, although it’s more likely Calles sent a hit man.

Which leave the question of why… why forget the event? If Flores was just a nut, why the high level discussions about how best to dispose of him? Vasconellos had gone into voluntary exile after his defeat, and showed no interest in mounting a counter revolution, and had not particular love for the Cristeros. And even the Church found Flores something of an embarrassment: having reached an understanding with the state, it had written off Flores as a “lone nut”, a fanatic… at most the pawn of his country priest, himself rather extreme in his views.

Still, the new party rule was not as secure as it might appear, and having lost the support of Calles, who regarded the president as a mere tool, there might have been suspicions raised that Calles himself had wanted to rid himself of a man largely seen as a mere puppet. Which is a bit unfair to Ortiz Rubio, who tried, even without the support of his supposed mentor,to fulfill the party’s promises of a better life for the people. Ortiz Rubio did push through a workers compensation bill… several months before Franklin Roosevelt was able to do so north of the border, and did what little he could to curb official corruption within the administration.

Seemingly forced from office (whether it was PTSD from the shooting, or just disguest) and said to have read he was resigning for health reasons (although he’d live a long life, dying in 1963 at the age of 86), he would resign om September 1932, not just clearing the way for the more Calles-friendly honest rogue Abelardo Luhan Rodriguez but leaving him the time and energy to act as an unofficial “mentor” to his fellow Michoacán native, Lazaro Cardenas del Rio.

The Party would survive Calles, going left, then right, then left,, then right well into the next century, although presently it’s future is in doubt.

SOURCES:

Díaz Flores, Geraldo, “Atentado contra el presidente Pascual Ortiz Rubio” Relatos y Historía,

Padrón, Juan, “Daniel Flores, el charquense que atentó contra Ortiz Rubio“, La Corrente.

Supreme Corta de Justicia, “Amparo de Daniel Flores Gonzalés, Reponsable de lesiones al Presidente Pascual Ortiz Rubio, April de 1932.

Dulles, John W. F. Yesterday in Mexico, chapter 56. University of Texas, 1961.